Pollan suggests that there exists an undeniable unhealthiness within the American diet. This is not an uncommon claim. However, instead of blaming the problem on any particular part of the diet itself, he points the finger at the concept of scientifically analyzing food in order to determine an optimum dietary course. It is the idea that food can be dissected and scientifically understood to be inherently good or bad for you that is causing the unhealthy symptoms of obesity and anxiety, with all the health problems that they invite. The problem, he says, lies less in the foods that we may choose to eat, but more in the way in which we eat them and the societal influences surrounding their consumption.
This is an interesting opinion to express. It certainly runs counter to the concept that science is the best available means of understanding the world and finding the optimum solutions to problems. However, Pollan blames the scientific community less than he does the anxiety and hyper-reactionary attitude that many consumers have towards the findings of dieticians. The resultant scramble on behalf of food companies to commercialize and monetize the demands of the populace seems a particularly sore point.
The anti-scientific and anti-commercial tone of the article does make me question the contents of the argument somewhat. It would suggest less that Pollan wants people to be healthy and more that he has an axe to grind with certain institutions and those people who follow them. Nonetheless, the fundamentals of his argument are sound, and I do agree with him on many points. I have never paid much attention to the various dietary fads that have come and gone over the years. Part of this is due to the fact that almost all of them concern losing weight, and if anything I require the exact opposite. The other part is that many of the respected "scientific experts" are hardly scientists at all. The field of nutrition is a ridiculously complex and individualized one, and many respected scientists are of the opinion that, honestly, we don't have the technology or understanding required to be able to tell you exactly what kinds of foods you should eat. There are some rough guidelines that we do know, and I try to follow those somewhat. Don't eat nothing but sugary foods. Milk is good for your bones. You need to eat some kind of protein. Vegetables are pretty good for you. Other than these basic pointers, though, I just eat what I want.
Tuesday, May 1, 2012
Monday, April 30, 2012
Food as
Definition of Identity
It
is not an outlandish concept that food plays a key role in the cultural
heritage and traditions of certain nations, societies, and other groups of
people. Indeed, in this day and age, the globalization of culture and cuisine
has resulted in a plethora of various foods available even to the palettes of
those that would hardly describe themselves as knowledgeable connoisseurs. It
is telling that these foods are generally assorted via such broad labels as
“Mexican”, “Chinese”, or even the catch-all, generic term “Ethnic”. For
virtually any nation, social class, region, or background, it is possible to
find foods that are traditionally considered typical of that group. We
understand that it is normal for these groups to be associated with specific
foods, and that the ingredients and recipes of a culture often stem from
long-standing traditions and preferences, many of which have since outgrown the
more practical reasons for their inclusion in one’s diet. With the modern
availability of new types of foodstuffs, means of storage, nutritional needs,
etc., much of the original reasoning behind the groupings of foods into a
particular diet have become obsolete. It is true that certain foodstuffs are
still more convenient or of better quality in certain locations than others,
but the extent to which this true is rapidly becoming negligible in developed
nations. For example, it may be better to eat freshly-caught lobster in Maine
than in Denver, but it can hardly be said that any type of seafood is
unavailable in the latter location. As Leda Cooks says in her article on food
and identity, “In the industrialized west, where food slips into image… it
becomes necessary for lifestyle, rather than sustaining life.” Yet the grouping of
foods into categories based on cultural background shows few signs of
degradation or decay. I would purport that the reason for this lies mainly in
the establishment and maintenance of identity, both in the broad scale societal
groupings, and, increasingly, on the individual level. The traditional nature
of certain foods and their association towards certain cultures, attitudes, and
values provide individuals not only with a starting background, but also a
means with which to explore their own preferences or to express themselves. A
person’s choices to accept or ignore the foods with which they were brought up
or which their society considers appropriate may help to shape their ideas
about themselves as people within the context of that society.
Let
us first consider the biological reasons that might drive an individual to
either stick to a familiar diet, or alternatively, to experiment with a wider
variety of foods in which they might typically be expected to indulge. The key
idea that I would like to introduce here is what is known as the “Omnivore’s
Paradox”. (Fischler) Since humans are
omnivorous, we inherently consume a variety of foods, simply out of biological
necessity. We require many different types of nutrients found in many different
organisms in order to maintain our own bodies. Proteins, fibers, minerals, fats,
salts, and so forth must all be found from various sources. It is this lack of
reliance on any specific type of foodstuff that allows us to have such varied
diets. There are, in fact, numerous places around the world wherein typical
diets may consist entirely of elements that are completely unavailable in
others. Yet we certainly cannot eat everything that we see. Some foods that are
eaten even by species that seem on the surface to be quite similar to us, are
in fact fatally poisonous. Studies have been conducted which suggest that,
similar to rats, humans display instinctual caution towards unfamiliar foods
and aversion to those that have been correlated to past negative experiences or
indigestion. (Fischler) Allowing a substance
inside one’s body is, after all, to render oneself extremely vulnerable to any
ill effects it may bring on. Thus, we find ourselves caught between the desire
to expand our available supply of food types, possible new sources of vital
nutrients, and our inherent fear of the unknown. This helps to explain, on a
purely biological level, how it is plausible that many foods remain
consolidated into diets specifically eaten by certain groups of people, despite
widespread experimentation between them.
How
then, does this relate to the formation of identity? How do we define
ourselves, in part, by the foods that we eat? Allow me to share a personal
anecdote that relates to the topic. My own culinary background, growing up in
suburban America, involved coffee. My parents, both avid coffee drinkers, would
always have a pot prepared every morning. While it was not expected that I take
up the habit until adulthood, I never did so at all. Instead, I found the
single aging pack of Earl Grey sitting in the back of our cupboard and tried
that. I have been drinking tea ever since. Upon reflection, while this choice
at the time seemed to be little more than a matter of taste, I would not be
surprised if it had just as much to do with my idea of the kinds of people who
drink tea. Having been raised by coffee drinkers, tea was always somewhat
foreign to the house. It was a drink favored by the English or by those too
intellectual or refined to enjoy the stronger taste and jolt of caffeine that
coffee could provide. This, at least, was my impression of the connotations
surrounding the beverage at the time. I have thought of myself as an
intellectual since a rather young age, and to drink tea would have fit rather
well into my own self-image. In picking up the habit, I believe I made a choice
in expressing myself, in distinguishing myself somewhat from the background in
which I was raised. This is not to say that I abandoned the eating habits
favored by my parents, which would have been quite difficult even had I the
desire to do so. However, the subtle changes that I made to the dishes that
were prepared for me reflected a desire to differentiate myself to some extent
and create my own sense of individuality. This form of adolescent resistance to
tradition seems somewhat commonplace from analyzing the accounts of others. Roy
Ahn, for instance, speaks of how during his own adolescence, he ate more food
from his adopted country of America, in part to separate himself in the eyes of
his peers from his Korean roots. (Ahn) This seems to be a
mild example of a common form of resistance to oppressive societal influence in
general. One thing that a person can almost always control is what and how much
they eat. In extreme cases, this may go as far as eating little to nothing at
all, in the form of fasting and hunger strikes. (Cooks) In this example,
though, it appears similar to most other forms of adolescent resistance, being
an attempt to create an image of oneself independent, at least to some extent,
from their upbringing.
At
the same time, there is a powerful connection to the traditional foods of one’s
family and country. In providing a tangible connection to one’s origins, foods
can solidify, in concrete terms, inclusion in a societal group. In eating them,
we can feel secure in the knowledge that we will always have that connection to
our origins and family. Both Ahn and Nicholson confess to at least an
occasional longing to partake in the cuisine exemplified by their parents,
despite having also adopted the American palette of their new country. (Ahn) (Nicholson) Ahn goes farther
still, expounding his desire to teach his son the basics of Korean foods. He
explains that he wants his son to have this connection to his heritage, having
realized its importance when the tragic death of his parents severed him from
it somewhat. This connection to ethnic origins is again something that my
personal experiences lend credence to. I am specifically reminded of a kind of
potato tortilla that my mother sometimes either makes or buys near the holidays
called “lefse”. It is a Norwegian dish, and while as a fourth generation
American my experience with traditional Norwegian cuisine is limited, it has
always been a highlight. As a result of my memories of it, I have always
preferred potato bread to any other type, even before I was old enough to know
the reason why. Both consciously and subconsciously, the attraction to familiar
foods is strong. There is an oft quoted of Margaret Mead’s that seems
appropriate here, which states: “It is easier to change a man’s religion than
his diet.”
There
would appear to be a certain duality to the choices we make with regards to the
foods we eat. We are comforted by the familiar, the foods that we were given to
eat as a child before we could choose them for ourselves. They provide a
starting place, a heritage, a culture to identify with and be a part of. Yet,
at the same time, we are also attracted to the novel, our own twists on old
foods, or things that we have picked up completely on our own. They distinguish
us from our surroundings and from others. They help to make us unique. We have
both biological and psychological needs to differ, but also to belong in this
way. In creating a palette for ourselves we keep ourselves healthy and
nourished, bringing in new sustenance to enrich the old and, perhaps
accidentally, also creating a part of our identity. In striking a unique
balance between the familiar and the unknown, we may find a piece of ourselves.
Bibliography
Ahn, Roy. "Home Run: My Journey Back to Korean
Food." Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture (2009):
12-15.
Cooks, Leda.
"You are What You (Don't) Eat? Food, Identity, and Resistance." Text
and Performance Quarterly (2009): 94-110.
Fischler, Claude.
"Food, self and identity." Social Science Information
(1988): 275-292.
Nicholson, Geoff.
"Eating White." Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture (2010): 21-23.
Monday, April 9, 2012
SE2 Reviews
One interesting thing I noticed while reading this blog post was their analysis of the music used in the advertisements that they studied and how it related to the target audience of and rhetorical techniques of each. This was not something that I considered in my own post, as both of the pieces that used were still images. It does, however, add another dimension to consider when determining the intended effect upon the audience. I also did not consider the physical placement of the advertisements, as touched upon in this blog, having gotten mine off of the web. Both of these would be interesting aspects to explore should I decide to analyze more pieces in this manner. It would be more effective to consider how, when, and where advertisements actually appear in daily life as opposed to simply how they function when taken in and of themselves.
Sunday, April 8, 2012
Short Essay 2
For the purposes of this assignment, I
compared an advertisement for “Gamer Grub”, a product sold in pouches
presumably to be consumed while busy playing a video game, to one for “Texas
Roadhouse”, a traditional sit-down restaurant that specializes in steaks and
ribs. The differences between the two products advertised are quite apparent,
and at first glance, so too are the advertisements, but the mechanics at work,
the ways in which they are advertised, are actually quite similar.
The
“gamer grub” pouches prominently feature enlarged images of a few small chunks
of the material inside, along with visual effects and a background that suggest
a video game environment. The names of the product and flavor are similarly portrayed
in large fonts that are reminiscent of something that one might find in a video
game. The word “Gamer” is especially emphasized. Smaller, more boldface font
declares the product to be a “performance snack” and “infused with
neurotransmitters”, along with the specifications of weight and suggested
instructions for use of the pouch. These instructions are particularly telling,
suggesting that the contents be consumed via a design feature referred to as “tear
and tilt” that allows the customer to imbibe the contents without so much as
looking at or touching them.
The
“Texas roadhouse” advertisement puts good deal more food on display than the
other advertisement. Instead of illustrating a few kernels of the product in
high detail, it prefers to demonstrate the size of the portions of various foods
available, resulting in an image which depicts enough food for at least four
meals. The background here does not appear artificially spliced in to the
picture, but is instead of the large wooden table on which the foods are
presumably served to customers. The font in which the restaurant’s name is
advertised is that of a neon sign, with the word “Texas” in all capital
letters, in a boldface type somewhat reminiscent of a cattle brand. The name is
bisected by a picture of a map of the state of Texas, itself wearing a cowboy
hat.
Both
of these advertisements demonstrate admirably the values and ideas of the
specific culture of people that they are marketing towards. The “Gamer grub”
obviously intends to appeals to people who consider themselves members of a “Gamer”
subculture. The packaging lends itself to appear as much like something one
might find in a video game as is possible, while the description and depiction
of the actual food itself is garnered to the priorities of its consumers.
Stereotypically speaking, a “gamer” cares very little about the food that they
eat and even less about whether it conforms to traditional meals. So long as it
appears edible and results in as much energy output as possible, tasting
relatively like traditional food is simply an added bonus. These priorities are
easily seen reflected in the content of the advertisement. While a small
example of the contents of the pouch is provided, it is overshadowed by the
lightning bolt - like “energy” effects, the specifications of the amount of
food inside, and the claims to be a “performance snack” for “Gamers”.
In contrast, the “Texas cowboy” culture
that the Texas roadhouse advertisement is marketed towards has almost
completely opposite attitudes and priorities regarding foods, and this is again
reflected in the advertisement. What is important here is the traditional
nature of the food and the way in which it is served, in as great a quantity as
can be consumed in a single meal as is possible. This lends itself well to a
sit-down restaurant which specializes in serving very large helpings of meat
and potatoes, examples of which are prominently featured in the advertisement.
Again, the text serves to hammer home the intended audience both in vocabulary
and the font in which it is written.
The
audiences of these advertisements are delineated by subculture: a group of
people that consider themselves set apart from the general popular culture by
virtue of the choices they make and values that they hold. The key thing to
realize here is that while the target cultures themselves may be radically
different, especially with regard to their attitudes towards food, the
advertisements shown here are essentially attempting to appeal to each using
the same argument. This is the idea that as a member of a certain culture, one
should eat foods that qualify one as such. Both use an appeal to the
ethnocentrism, the island mentality of their respective subcultures. They
utilize the idea that the culture of their audience is superior, that their
values and priorities are the most important things to consider in making a
decision as to where and what to consume in any given situation. Thus, since
the advertised products obviously represent those values, they must be the best
choice for anyone who would claim to be a member of said culture to buy.
Tuesday, April 3, 2012
Freedman and Jurafsky reading
Freedman and Jurafsky take an interesting approach to studying the cultural distinctions in America by choosing to study potato chip bags. While I can't say that I find it the most effective way I could think of to look at the separation between economic classes, the linguistic analysis that they performed on the bags certainly appears to have garnered results. I find it interesting to note that even in a (supposedly) classless society, the researchers make an assumption on what their findings will look like right away in the way that they divide their subjects. Instead of simply highlighting a correlation between specific types of language and a price per ounce increase where appropriate, they also immediately take the bags in question and split them down the middle based on cost. In doing so, they assume that if there is a distinct difference, it will be found between "upper class" chips and the "lower class" chips. For the most part, they would appear to have been correct in this assumption.
As for the results of the analysis, I found it quite interesting that the "upper class" potato chips were so focused on what they were not. This concentration on avoiding being like the "lower class" chips in any way possible amuses me. I am reminded of a paper I once read about how it was once considered fashionable and attractive for the wealthy to be overweight, to show that they had the means to keep themselves healthily fed. This persisted until just about the time that said abundance of food became available to the lower classes, at which point it became more fashionable to be thin, to demonstrate the quality and healthiness (in other words, cost) of the food you ate. I believe the author of said paper referred to this as the "star bellied sneetch" phenomenon, if you've ever read that particular Dr. Seuss story. It is an interesting, if unfortunate aspect of human nature that our happiness appears to be more determined by relative wealth than by actual progress.
As for the results of the analysis, I found it quite interesting that the "upper class" potato chips were so focused on what they were not. This concentration on avoiding being like the "lower class" chips in any way possible amuses me. I am reminded of a paper I once read about how it was once considered fashionable and attractive for the wealthy to be overweight, to show that they had the means to keep themselves healthily fed. This persisted until just about the time that said abundance of food became available to the lower classes, at which point it became more fashionable to be thin, to demonstrate the quality and healthiness (in other words, cost) of the food you ate. I believe the author of said paper referred to this as the "star bellied sneetch" phenomenon, if you've ever read that particular Dr. Seuss story. It is an interesting, if unfortunate aspect of human nature that our happiness appears to be more determined by relative wealth than by actual progress.
Monday, April 2, 2012
Short Essay 1
While
some may cite a specific personal cultural background in the selection of their
culinary palette, I have never felt that my own was influenced by any one
particular traditional system. If anything, my diet is based on that of the
country in which I live, one that has few culinary staples of its own, but
which borrows heavily on those of others, “Americanizing” them in the process.
I am equally likely to enjoy a slice of pizza or a cheeseburger as I am fish
and chips, tamales, gyros, Italian pastas, sushi, corned beef, or Swedish meatballs.
So long as I can recognize the various components of what I’m eating, and it
isn’t anything I have an allergy or personal aversion to, I have no problem
with consuming it.
It is true that,
as is the case for many people, this likely stemmed from the foods that my
parents prepared for me when I was a child. While my mother is half Norwegian, virtually
nothing that she prepared for the table would suggest the fact. The only part
of my diet that I believe may have originated from her is a preference for
potato bread over regular white bread. She grew up in North Dakota, an area
heavily concentrated with people of Scandinavian descent, and often had lefse
when she was young. It’s a potato based flatbread that I’ve only ever had a few
times myself, perhaps every other Christmas or so. My father, by his own
admission, could not cook to save his life, and has only a small smattering of
various Western European cultural backgrounds to draw on in the first place. He
refers to himself as a “Heinz 57”, which I suppose is appropriate, given his penchant
to apply ketchup to almost anything (a habit that I never shared).
Much my diet,
however, stems from things that I discovered for myself. My parents never cared
much for tea, for instance. They were always coffee drinkers, and had a pot
prepared every morning. I never took to the stuff. Instead, I found the single
aging pack of Earl Grey that had been sitting in the back of the cupboard for
years and tried it. I’ve been drinking tea ever since. It is possible that this
sort of dietary choice has something to do with my own self-image. I’ve always
thought of myself as an intellectual, a pensive man who reads books and likes
cats and tea over dogs or coffee. It is possible that I came to enjoy tea
purely out of the idea that it seemed appropriate to who I am as a person. This
does not explain, however, how I came to enjoy seafood and sushi so much. I
have lived in Denver for my entire life, half a world away from Japan and one
thousand miles away from the nearest ocean. My parents hardly ever prepared
seafood, simply out of practicality. The closest we came usually involved
salmon or a fake crab mix made from some other sort of freshwater fish. Yet,
for as much as I enjoy living in Denver, I also love seafood of almost any
variety, especially shrimp. The only theory that I have is that its status as a
rarity, almost a delicacy in my house as a child fueled my taste for it.
There is also
the tactile nature of food to consider. Aside from the taste and traditional
background of food, I’ve always liked foods that are rich and go down smoothly.
My family has always enjoyed ribs. I can’t stand them. It’s not the taste I
mind, it’s working away at a bone for 15 minutes just to get at the one tiny
chunk of lean meat I can find, and having to leave the rest while I go get all
the barbecue sauce off of my hands. I have a great (my family would say
paranoid) dislike of fat or gristle on meat, mostly because of the way it feels
in my mouth. I also don’t enjoy getting myself dirty simply in order to eat. While
this may be a function of the fact that I’ve never had to work (directly) for
my dinner, I much prefer to simply eat what I need to and get on with my day.
I suppose my
diet is generally pretty average considering the country I live in. I don’t
really put too much thought into what I eat on a daily basis, so I’ve picked up
the usual set of dishes that are common in America. I might have some
difficulty should I suddenly be placed in another country and be expected to
eat all of my meals there, but I think I could handle a few dishes from just
about anywhere.
Tuesday, March 27, 2012
Ahn / Nicholson readings
The similarity of the authors' attitudes towards their traditional culinary fare is quite striking, especially considering how different that fare is. Both heavily associate certain foods with the cultural roots of their lost parents and their former country. While they admit that their own personal selection of foods may be somewhat different than those of their parents, a more Americanized palette, they assert that their selections stem from those of their origin.
Ahn in particular seems to associate his Korean culinary roots with a fleeting heritage, something that must be preserved and remembered not only for himself but for future generations. This is understandable, since his connection and access to those foods was originally severed with the tragic loss of his parents. He seems to feel that he lost a good deal of his heritage along with the recipes that his mother once prepared and is determined not to let what is left of his own Korean heritage be lost in the same way as he raises his own son.
In contrast, Nicholson's break with his mother's traditional cuisine seems much more complete. While he still remembers it quite clearly and enjoys it from time to time (as is evidenced by his search for the right kind of flavorless, processed Cheshire cheese), he lacks a good deal of the remorse of losing his connection to that kind of food that Ahn expresses. Perhaps it is simply because Nicholson's mother's food was purposefully bland as almost a statement of intentional practicality, while Ahn's fare involved a rich culinary history and variety of its own. I rather think, though, that it has more to do with the fact that Nicholson's mother lived a relatively long, healthy life. She was available for him to occasionally visit and eat with as a reminder of his culinary origins while he developed his own tastes for himself. In contrast, Ahn was left to spend his life painstakingly trying to reconstruct what he could of what he had lost.
Personally, I feel no such connection to my past or origins through food. My mother did prepare meals for us when I was young, but there was never any cultural theme to them that I can pick out. Save for a few special occasions, there was nothing that would indicate any sort of cultural heritage at all. I don't feel that I missed too much, though. I appreciate the freedom to choose what types and cultures of food appeal to me for myself.
Ahn in particular seems to associate his Korean culinary roots with a fleeting heritage, something that must be preserved and remembered not only for himself but for future generations. This is understandable, since his connection and access to those foods was originally severed with the tragic loss of his parents. He seems to feel that he lost a good deal of his heritage along with the recipes that his mother once prepared and is determined not to let what is left of his own Korean heritage be lost in the same way as he raises his own son.
In contrast, Nicholson's break with his mother's traditional cuisine seems much more complete. While he still remembers it quite clearly and enjoys it from time to time (as is evidenced by his search for the right kind of flavorless, processed Cheshire cheese), he lacks a good deal of the remorse of losing his connection to that kind of food that Ahn expresses. Perhaps it is simply because Nicholson's mother's food was purposefully bland as almost a statement of intentional practicality, while Ahn's fare involved a rich culinary history and variety of its own. I rather think, though, that it has more to do with the fact that Nicholson's mother lived a relatively long, healthy life. She was available for him to occasionally visit and eat with as a reminder of his culinary origins while he developed his own tastes for himself. In contrast, Ahn was left to spend his life painstakingly trying to reconstruct what he could of what he had lost.
Personally, I feel no such connection to my past or origins through food. My mother did prepare meals for us when I was young, but there was never any cultural theme to them that I can pick out. Save for a few special occasions, there was nothing that would indicate any sort of cultural heritage at all. I don't feel that I missed too much, though. I appreciate the freedom to choose what types and cultures of food appeal to me for myself.
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